Sitting on our friend's porch in Ocaña, with the mountains in the distance and the early morning sun warming my face, I felt happy to be back in Catatumbo. Yet this contentment was odd, considering that that same day we were heading to an area where the local population live with the daily fear of landmines. Just two weeks before a campesino had to have his left leg amputated after stepping on one.
I wondered, when told, what I could do constructively with this information. Several options came to mind: be worry and be nervous; forget I was ever told; or trust the people I am going with that the paths we will use will be safe. Yet what I thought about most when we were walking these paths was that I know that I would have a much much higher chance of getting a replacement limb (if I survived) than the dear friends from the region I was walking with. And that is fucked up. It hurts me thinking about it; that because of my passport I could get a new leg and they could get a new stick to help them walk. I struggled to think whether there was any value in sharing this reflection with my friends. I didn't. But is silence on an all to apparent privilege useful? Is it kinder to them not to speak the truth, not to remind them of what they already know. That the current global hierarchy based on passport/racialised identity/class puts them pretty low down. And so their right to health and consequently, their very right to life is deemed less important than mine.
Perhaps the question should have been, speak truth to who?
I ponder and I feel that the best option is what I am doing right now, speaking truth to you english speaking priviliged folk. England did not gain their/our/its wealth and fairly good free health care system from just the hard work of the english. Wealth was gained through several hundred years of colonialism, that continues today in the form of multinational corporations controlling and carrying away the wealth of the minerals that rest in the Andean mountains.
People from colonised countries deserve equal standards of health care as us english do.
I was told that the mines are left by both guerilla and army who combat in the area. The farm where we stayed is to become a model farm based on principles ; a seed bank to rescue traditional seeds of the region, many types of local chickens, pigs and cattle and a program to improve the quality of these local breeds. The owner, who has donated the land to this project, a step towards the vision of food sovereignty in the region, showed us where they want to turn some of the wooded areas into fields. Yet it is known that various armed actors use this as a route from one valley to another, and rumours have it that there may be mines, or there may not be.
The presence of land mines has grown as conflict between the army and the guerrilla has intensified. Control of this territory has geo-strategic importance as it borders Venezuela and is rich in oil, gold, coal and land suitable for growing palm. The pipeline carrying oil from Arauca to the Atlantic coast for export also runs through the mountainous region. Yet control of the territory is not just about destroying the guerrilla, for the Colombian state it is also about destroying the social organisations and fabric in the region so that people are left with no possibility of organising to ensure that development means development for and by those who live there, and not for foreign corporations who would control and benefit from the mega-projects.
The paramilitary occupation of the region from 1999 to 2005 destroyed Catatumbo's social organisations and community fabric; communities divided and dispersed, farms and crops abandoned, community shops burnt down by paracos, schools closed for lack of students, community leaders particularly targetted. Campesinos in Catatumbo have never doubted the institutional links between the paramilitaries violence and the Colombian States and slowly information is beginning to coming to light proving what they have always known: that the State and the paramilitaries worked together to terrorise local populations in order to develop the oil, coal and palm oil industry.
On Sunday 5th July, hours before catching the bus from Bogota to the region a friend sent me a link for an article from La Semana, a major weekly national magazine. “The Army allowed the Paramilitaries into Catatumbo.
For the first time a high official publically admits how he participated in one the most bloody paramilitary invasions.
One of the first things that Llorente admitted was the way in which they paramilitaries arrived in Catatumbo. On 29th May 1999, in an unprecendented operation several lorries, carring 200 heavily armed paramilitaries, travelled from Córdoba across five departments to La Gabarra, Catatumbo without any obstacle. Two generals participated in the planning meeting and designed the strategy with Mancuso and Carlos Castaño [leaders of the AUC, national paramilitary group]. His witness statement coincides with those made by demobilised paramilitaries.” [1]
In the first year of the paramilitary incursion in Catatumbo more than 20000 people were displaced, an unknown number of people disappeared, and 800 official murders, the majority of which took place in massacres.
Living with fear of landmines is not a new fear for the Catatumberos.
Yet last week, dancing in Bogota with people from the region who had travelled for 24 hours for the launch of a Campaign for the Victims of Catatumbo, you would not easily spot fear in the room. Hidden deep in layers of resilience, dignity and survival, the victim of Catatumbo is more likely to be found laughing about Bogota people trying to drink boligancho or complaining it is an hour past dinner time and they still haven't eaten.
Fifteen years ago Roche was a hub of rural activity in the municipal of Barranca, La Guajira, a dry arid region in the northeastern tip of Colombia.It was home to 500 families but 483 families have gone. In their place is a sea of red and white striped posts, marking out the plots of land that until recently contained the daily lives, cultures and family memories of the thousands of people who have been forced to leave their lives. The posts mark out the land that is now owned by Cerrejón, one of the largest opencast coal mines in the country.
To walk among these posts filled me with an intense feeling of sadness of lives being slowly suffocated as the mine creeps forward. To live among these posts, with the whines of mine machinery playing over the sound of the wildlife, appears to me like psychological torture for the remaining 17 families.
The majority of Roche’s residents, along with those of nearby villages Patilla, Chancleta and Tamaquito, lived off the fertile land by the banks of the River Rancheria. Life revolved around growing food crops both for themselves and on larger farms as hired hands, rearing cattle, hunting rabbit and goat, and fishing. The Roche residents who remain spoke to us of life now. The land has been poisoned by the coal dust and is no longer productive. The track down to the river from which they used to collect sand for making cement had a trench dug across it preventing vehicle access. Men have been detained by the police when fishing, told that Cerrejón now owns the river that runs past their village and thus illegal to fish in it.Men have been detained when hunting, for trespassing on what was once village lands but is now the private property of Cerrejón.
The local socio-economic system of the area is being obliterated, forcing people from the communties of Patilla, Chancleta, Roche and Tamaquito, an indigenous community, to leave in search of a source of food and income elsewhere. The highest levels of displacement in Roche came post 2001 when a nearby village, Tabaco, was razed to the ground by bulldozers protected by the Colombian armed forces.
“Tabaco pyschologically affected us and people began to sell up for whatever price the company was offering. Cerrejón took advantage of the fear to buy the land for next to nothing and people had to leave Roche, their community.” Resident of Roche
Former residents of Tabaco recently signed an agreement with the owners of Cerrejón, BHP Biliton, Anglo American and Xstrata in which they will be relocated and compensated. I was shown the payment slip for the compensation by a woman wanting answers I could not give. She could not understand how the compensation was for just $200,000 pesos (about £50). “Is this it? Is this our compensation after everything we suffered and 8 years of fighting for some justice? It is an insult.”
While there is an urgency for a solution, the communities are adamant that they deserve at the very least a dignified compensation for their physical and psychic losses, and to be relocated to a site of their choosing with a quality of life at least equal to what they had before the communities social fabric was unpicked.
“Every day we feel the contamination getting worse, we need solutions to this now. The good practice of the company would be to relocate the entire village in one go, instead they are doing it individually, and only with people born in the villages, and so dividing the communities.”
On Wednesday 20th April, at the invitation of the communities of Roche, Chancleta, and Tamaquito, and under pressure by a visiting international delegation and Sintracarbon, the union representing Cerrejón workers, representatives of Cerrejón attended a meeting with around 150 people from the communities. More would have liked to have participated but health issues, which they connect to the mine’s presence, made this difficult.
The first issue on the agenda was about the resettlement process. Involuntary resettlement due to mining projects, according to the World Bank, should be done in coordination with the affected communities.
“First Cerreón has to work with us in making a list of what relocation involves, housing, productive projects, amenities. After this is done, they should consult around every one of these points. But they didn’t, their first error.Second error, which can be considered more serious, is that despite the company not doing this, they published on their webpage a completed plan for settlement and said that they had consulted with the communities of Roche, Chancleta and Patilla.What did the company want with this lie? Trick the community? the international community? the local governance?all of the above?“
Roche village leader, community meeting with Cerrejón, 20th May 2009
Other issues presented by the community were around the productive projects, health issues, and the behaviour of the company towards the communities. The final issue of the day was around independent advisors.
Community members had previously reflected that whereas Cerrejón has access to an expert team of advisors, the communities have nothing and as such are being manipulated and lied to by the company. For example, one member spoke about how they were invited to a meeting in the mine, where Cerrejón’s legal advisor told them that they did not need advisors, as the company would just negotiate directly with them. Recognising the near comicalness of being told this by a very advisor of Cerrejón, the communities of Roche, Tamaquito and Chancleta united and presented a proposal to Cerrejón. No more negotiations until they have independent advisors, paid for by the company. Cerrejón must give a yes or no by the 31st May.
The following day we met with community members from Barranco, another village. They told us how representatives of Cerrejón are holding meetings and visiting families to talk about future relocation. What was interesting was how the people had been convinced so quickly that they had no other choice, but to go. They know though that they will have to fight for this to be in a dignified and just manner.
It appears to me that Cerrejón is willing to spend the money necessary on its well paid Corporate Social Responsibility and public relations team but not willing to spend the money necessary for a dignified and just relocation of the communities who live on top of the valuable coal.
What is the thinking, individually and institutionally, that justifies these decisions? The dangers of what a just relocation precedent would mean globally? Historical white racism that sees these communities as inferior and therefore not as deserving? And what thinking justifies extracting the coal out the ground at such an incredible speed that, according to Sintracarbon, in 30 years there will be no coal left, the mine will close and the dominant economy of the region will collapse?
El articulo en español aparece al final del texto de inglés.
"We are tired of our own discourse, of others, of those who tell us a new society can only come with the eternal silence of the nameless bodies …. We choose the language of the art, we trust in its capacity to touch the most profound fibres of humans and that it will produce the arrival of the necessary words, cause us to question our images and social representations."
We transformed the plaza into a visual living memory of 800 victims. I saw before me, using the strength of my imagination, the lives that might have been, the pain of families and friends. I saw people take timid steps to look at their history, to walk slowly past the tombs reading the narrative, talking quietly with their companion.
I also saw products of fear. People walked past with their head down, or straight ahead, refusing to engage, scared of who might be watching. The organisers of the event spoke to me of peoples fear. Some spoke of fear as though it were some inherent quality in the characteristics of people in this region rather than a very human response to a policy of state terrorism.
Others compared themselves to other places where social movements have overcome fear and refused to be quiet. A new friend spoke to me about his frustration at watching the popular uprising in Greece in December unfold after the murder of just one person by the police and asks why not here? In 2008 alone 175 people were murdered by the army and then presented as guerrilla killed in combat, known as false positives a horrific crime against humanity.
Others speak of the proficiency of the Colombian oligarchy at producing fear and terror. The number of Colombians “disappeared” during Uribe’s first term exceeds the total number of Chileans that vanished during Pinochet’s entire 17-year military dictatorship. And the disappearances continue. In 2008 1015people were disappeared, four times greater than in 2007. The country’s armed forces are suspects in more than 90% of these cases, according to the Prosecutor’s office.[1]
Everyone wants to know what will it take for people to overcome fear and just say enough.
Today was a simple act. It was inspired by Las Madres del Primero de Mayo who carried out symbolic non-violent actions to bring about public awareness. It was inspired by similar events that have taken place across Colombia in recent months.
Y~ was happily surprised by Sogamoso this day, by their willingness to stop, take time to look, to chat, to participate in the candlelit vigil at dusk. I had taken peoples reactions, stopping to look, as normal, but she had been skeptical during the two months of preparation that people would respond positively; that people would dare to respond. That they have will have deep reverberations in the people of Sogamoso.
Despite their worries, the organisers kept focused on organising the day. I re-realised something yesterday that helped me see why– the importance of outlets for our internal frustrations, pains, anger. A small space appeared for me and suddenly thoughts, frustrations and personal learnings gushed out of me, like water inside a mountain suddenly finding a crack in the rock and pouring out in to the light. The water, carrying the memory of those killed, has begun to flow out to the light, the weight of peoples emotions pushing it out. In Sogamoso they will be back in the plaza with the 800 bricks in July, September and November.
Last night while sat chatting around a fake gas log fire on the rooftop of a swanky bar the desire for peace came up. “What kind of peace do you want?” I asked, knowing how peace is thrown around with as little clarity as the supposedly objective word “development” is in the UK. The question was thrown back at me. Peace is people not having to live in silence and fear but being able to express their torment as they wish. Peace is people receiving answers to their question of why were their loved ones killed, so that the torment of the unknown may transform to grief and acceptance and with time and love, a peace inside.
"Estamos cansados de los discursos, los de nosotros y los de otras y otros, de escuchar a quienes aseguran que una sociedad nueva sólo podrá surgir de la impunidad y del silencio eterno de los sepulcros sin nombre y sin dolientes...Hemos recurrido a los lenguajes del arte, pues confiamos en su capacidad para conmover las fibras más profundas de lo humano para convocar el surgimiento de la palablra vital y para interpelar nuestros imaginarios y representaciones sociales."
Transformamos la plaza en una memoria viva de ochocientos muertos. Ví ante mi, con el poder de la imaginacíon, las vidas que podrían haber existido, el dolor de las familias y amigos. Ví a personas dar pasos timidos para mirar su historia , pasaron por las tumbas, leyendo las narrativas y hablando en voz baja con sus compañeros.
Tambien ví el producto del temor. Personas que pasaron mirando hacia abajo o adelante, se negaron a observar los 800 bloques blancos, asustado de quien podría estar mirarandoles. Los y las organizadores de la jornada me hablaban del temor de la gente. Algunos hablaron de temor como si fuera una cualidad inherente en la caracteristicas de la gente de Boyaca en vez de una respuesta muy humana a la politica del terrorismo del estado.
Otros hicieron compararaciones a otros lugares donde hay movimientos sociales que han logrado superar el miedo, rechazando el silencio. Un nuevo amigo me habló de la frustración al ver desarollar el levantamiento en Grecia en Diciembre despues del asesinato de solo una persona en manos de la policia y pregunta por que no pasa esto acá? En tan solo 2008, 175 personas fueron asesinados por el ejercito y presentados como bajas en la “guerra contra el terrorismo”, un crimen de estado y de lesa humanidad.
Otras hablaron de la habilidad de la oligarquia colombiana en producir temor y terror. El numero de colombianos desaparecidos durante el primer mandato de Uribe supera el total de chilenos que desaparecieron durante los 17 años de la dictadura de Pinochet. Y las desapareciones aun continua. En 2008 fueron desaparecidos 1015 personas, cuatro veces mas que en 2007. Segun la fiscalía, las fuerzas publicas estan siendo investigados en mas que 90% de los casos.[1]
Todos quieren saber que se necesita para que la gente venza el miedo y diga basta.
Hoy fue un acto sencillo.
La gente de Sogamoso le inspiraban las madres del plaza de mayo en argentina que llevaron a cabo acciones no-violentas y simbolicas para generar opinion publica. Les inspiraba actos semejantes que han occurido a través de Colombia en los ultimos meses.
Una compañera fue soprendida por Sogamoso ese día, por la voluntad de la gente a parar y tomar el tiempo de mirar, conversar, participar encendiendo las velas al atardecer. Yo asumí que las reaciones de la gente era normales pero ella había sido esceptica durante las dos meses de preparacíon. Temió que no respondieran positivamente; que no se atrevieran a responder. El hecho de hacerlo, tendrá unas hondas de repercusíones en la gente de Sogamoso y de alrededor.
A pesar de las preocupaciones, los y las organizadores seguían enfocados en organizar la jornada. Volví a darme cuenta de algo ayer que me ayudó a ver por que seguíeron y por que seguimos: la importancía de canalizar nuestras frustraciones, dolores y rabías internas. Un espacio pequeño aparecío ante mi y de pronto pensamientos, frustraciones y aprendizajes personales me salieron a borbotones, como agua dentro de una montaña que encuentra una rendija en la roca y vierte a la luz. El agua, llevando las memorias de los asesinados, corre a la luz expulsado por el peso de los sentimientos de muchas personas. En Sogamoso volverán a la plaza con 800 bloques en Julio y Septiembre.
Anoche, mientas que charlabamos alredador de una chimenea de gas en la terraza de un bar lujoso, el deseo por la paz surgío en la conversacon. “Que tipo de paz quieres?” pregunté, conociendo que la palabra paz que se utilisa con tan poca claridad. Me devolvieron la pregunta. Paz es no tener que vivir en silencio y temor sino poder expresar el tormento sin restriciones. Paz es recibir respuestas a las pregunatas del por que se asesinó su ser querido, para que el tormento de estas preguntas se pase a la aceptacíon de la perdida, y con el tiempo y el amor, una paz interna.
Perhaps the question should have been, speak truth to who?
Living with fear of landmines is not a new fear for the Catatumberos.
.JPG)
.JPG)
.JPG)
